We decided to focus our presentation on the practice of Female Genital Cutting, (FGC), as it is a fitting subject for both of us. Robin is a women studies major and focused her thesis on FGC, and Emma is a sociology major and decided to research FGC for her final project in her gender and social movements class. We both felt that it would be an interesting experience to compile the different research we have collected and create a presentation for the class that allows us to share what we’ve learned.
FGC is an ancient tradition in large parts of Africa. The National Bureau of Statistics and ORD Macro released a report in 2005 that stated that 15% of all women ages 15-49 have experienced FGC in Tanzania. However, it is difficult to determine whether statistics on the frequency with which FGC is practiced are accurate, as many of the numbers used to create these statistics are either self-reported or based off of clinical estimates. As of 1997, the practice occurs in 20 of 130 ethnic groups in Tanzania and among Somali immigrants to the country (Center for Reproduction Law and Policy and International Federation of Women Lawyers, 1997).
The practice, in Tanzania, is performed by a ngariba (“keeper of tradition”), a traditional birth attendant, or by a trained doctor or midwife (Nkoma-Wamuza, et al. 1998; Mabala and Kamazima, 1996). There have been a number of reported deaths from FGC in Tanzania; in the Tarime district, out of the estimated 5,000 circumcisions performed each year, about 20 girls die from complications of the procedure (Lukaya 1997; Temba 1997). Again though, it is important to note that these figures are not necessarily accurate.
The practice, while rooted in cultural traditions, does operate as a source of income for some people. On one occasion in Tanzania, 73 circumcisers surrendered all their equipment to the Same District Commissioner after being promised by the Network Against Female Genital Mutilation that they would be given loans to start other businesses. Ultimately, the promise was not followed and they have threatened to go back to performing the practice (Maseke, 2001).
In the past few decades the practice has been on the decline, a trend that can be attributed to both legal steps that have been taken to make the practice illegal, as well as increased awareness about the consequences of the practice (Anti-FGM Network, Christian Council of Tanzania). For example, The Sexual Offences Special Provisions Act of 1998 made FGC illegal in Tanzania. Also, efforts put forth by the Tanzanian government and the Anti-Female Genital Mutilation Network and a coalition of anti-FGC NGOs to raise awareness and conduct research on the harmful effects of FGC have reduced the frequency with which FGC is practiced openly. Also, these groups have trained ngaribas for other occupations, which will provide these women with a different source of income.
The Kivulini Women’s Rights Organization is an example of a registered NGO based in Mwanza, Tanzania that is working to eradicate the practice. Kivulini advocates for women’s and girl’s rights in Tanzania by emphasizing the prevention of domestic violence against women and girls. One of Kivulini’s steps to build women and girl’s rights is to eradication the practice.
While the efforts of NGOs are a good start, it is difficult for these organizations to make any real progress in eliminating the frequency of the practice. This can be attributed to cultural relativism. While the NGOs feel that FGC is a practice that violates women’s rights, human rights, reproductive rights, legal rights, etc. many of the women undergoing the practice do not view it as an oppressive experience. Rather, these women feel that it is an incredibly important cultural tradition that needs to be upheld. How do we then go about reconciling the agendas of NGOs with those of indigenous people? Many sociologists and anthropologists argue that we must refocus the dialogue of FGC in order to rebuild the relationships of NGOs and indigenous people. By redefining the agendas and creating a new discourse around the situation, the power relations that define these interactions can be destroyed, and rebuilt in a helpful way. Only then will it be possible to make significant changes in how FGC is practiced.
Works Cited
Boyle, Elizabeth Heger, Fortunata Songora, and Gail Foss. “International Discourse and Local Politics: Anti-Female-Genital-Cutting Laws in Egypt, Tanzania, and the United States.” Social problems 48.4, Special Issue on Globalization and Social Problems (2001): 524-44. Print.
Meena, Ruth, and Marjorie Mbilinyi. “Women’s Research and Documentation Project (Tanzania).” Signs 16.4, Women, Family, State, and Economy in Africa (1991): 852-9. Print.
Msuya, Sia E., et al. “Female Genital Cutting in Kilimanjaro, Tanzania: Changing Attitudes?” Tropical Medicine & International Health 7.2 (2002): 159-65. Print.
Obermeyer, Carla Makhlouf. “Female Genital Surgeries: The Known, the Unknown, and the Unknowable.” Medical anthropology quarterly 13.1 (1999): 79-106. Print.
“What’s Culture Got to do with it? Excising the Harmful Tradition of Female Circumcision.” Harvard law review 106.8 (1993): 1944-61. Print.
